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| Fall,
2005 |
Andy
Philpot, Editor |
Vol.
9, No. 4 |
Newsletter Contents:
Two
Conferences, Two Countries:
Lagos As Seen Through Expatriate Eyes
Keep
the Lorries Rolling – VSO Project Report
The First Letter Home
Julian Martin Continues His Story:
Trying To Save West Virginia’s Mountains
The Toughest Job You Will Ever Have
Warmongering,
Undermining or Networking?
Underlying
Causes Of The Polio Vaccine Rejection In Northern
Nigeria
Closing
The Digital Divide, One Community At A Time
Two
Conferences, Two Countries: Nigeria’s Political Prospects (Part
2)
An Opinion Article
by Ron Singer (10) 64–67
August, 2005
Two
Conferences
Do you remember the ploy whereby you would slowly
walk away from a market stall so that the seller would
call you back and lower the price? This is pretty
much what happened, in reverse, at Nigeria’s National
Political Reform Conference (NPRC). It took place
in July and was President Obasanjo’s belated response
to loud calls for reform of the constitution bequeathed
to the nation seven years ago by its last military
ruler, Sani Abacha.
Delegates from the six oil states of the Niger Delta
, the south-south zone, negotiated a plan to raise
their current 13% of revenues to 17, at which point
they demanded 25, 50, and everything, and, then, unsatisfied,
walked away from the conference in time to miss the
closing banquet. No one called them back though.
At the banquet, the president was ceremonially presented
with six volumes of recommendations that may be headed
for limbo. Besides its dubious motivation, the NPRC
was flawed in several other respects: no support from
the National Assembly, delegates handpicked (by Obasanjo),
no impartial monitors, a pre-set and limited agenda,
and no guarantee of, or even provision for, implementation.
Apart from the oil revenue negotiations, the only
other newsworthy item to emerge from the NPRC was
a bombshell of an idea floated by portions of the
ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP, aka “People
Deceiving People”). This idea would introduce into
the constitution a third term for federal legislators
and the president, with, according to critics, the
former acting as a “beard” for the latter. As long-time
(since the 1940’s) pro-democracy activist Chief Anthony
“Pa” Enahoro puts it, “All the money is in 50 huts.”
In other words, the presidential system has evolved
in such a way that no one without many millions, or
access to them, can even run, any more. (Does that
sound familiar?) Two terms? Three terms? What does
it matter?
Meanwhile, the pro-democrats, both in Nigeria and
in the diaspora, have proceeded as if the NPRC were
an irrelevance. Pa Enahoro, just turned 82, was the
keynote speaker at a July 23rd fundraiser and pep
rally held in Flushing, Queens by a Nigerian pro-democratic
umbrella group, Pro-National Conference Organizations
(PRONACO). This event was the first in a series leading
up to a people’s constitutional conference, a Sovereign
National Conference (SNC), planned for October in
Lagos. Whereas the president’s NPRC was very much
a “top down” affair, the SNC will comprise delegations
selected by hundreds of groups representing, in turn,
as many constituencies in Nigeria as possible: women,
the diaspora, political parties, ethnic and professional
associations, religious groups, governmental agencies,
the security sector, and others. This will be one
big palaver!
Two
Countries
To follow daily events in Nigeria is to read a tale
of two countries, a good and a bad one.
First, the bad. Crime is rampant in most of the 36
states, and Nigeria remains atop the world’s scamming
tables. Lethal conflict, in the Delta and elsewhere
has come to seem permanent. The causes, in some instances,
are local grudges; in others, larger religious, ethnic
or political divisions, sometimes sparked by land
or water disputes; and, in many cases, some or all
of the above. As the three-term idea suggests, many
Nigerians are already anticipating the 2007 elections
in which the endemic north-south divide and the lingering
wounds of Biafra (now the south-east zone) may once
again be opened threatening the nation’s existence.
![]() |
| Chief Anthony "Pa" Enahoro |
There
are also growing fears of radical Islam and consequent
disruption of the oil supply, prompting U.S.-sponsored
military build-ups across West Africa, increasingly
strident alarms from the CIA, and State department
travel advisories. Accusations persist that the 2003
election results were rigged. Also vendettas within
the PDP itself continue. Finally, the news from Nigeria
features daily charges and countercharges of massive
corruption, charges to which almost no one seems immune.
Consider this farcical tidbit from July 20th’s Nigeria
Today Online: “The nation’s graft-tainted former police
chief [Tafa Balogun] fell out of a squad car which
then rolled over his legs on Wednesday in a bizarre
incident after a court ruled he would face a second
trial on corruption charges” [for allegedly having
stolen and laundered $100 million in three years].
There is ample good news as well. The President presses
forward with Herculean efforts to end corruption,
appointing new, effective and impeccable officials.
Each month, substantial numbers of businesses sprout
up, including mobile phone companies that have found
a huge opportunity in the failures of land-line services.
For several months now, Nigeria has enjoyed multiplied
oil revenues accruing from price spikes (to $62 a
barrel) caused by bad weather in the refining countries,
war and political uncertainty in Nigeria (!) and elsewhere,
and huge demand from the Indian and Chinese markets.
The economic picture has been further brightened by
reduction of Nigeria’s international debt and by a
plan to pay it off by 2006. Finally, the nation enjoys
ever-growing global prestige keyed by its place at
the high tables of African and global confabs.
On balance, then, where does the country stand? Clearly,
Nigeria today is a country of massive opportunity
for progress and massive danger of disintegration.
Where does this leave the Friends of Nigeria? I suspect
that friendship means as many things to our graying
band as it does to anyone else. At any rate, we should
pay attention in October when the SNC will be grappling
with all the problems and trying to determine how
this nation can best face its future.
Since the death of Abacha in 1998, Nigeria seems to
have reached a new watershed every two or three years.
Pa Enahoro remarked to me that if France can still
keep Europe from regaining the unity it lost with
the fall of Rome almost two millennia ago, we should
be a little patient with Africa. That’s the long view.
Note: Once again, I have kept track of Nigerian
news via print and online sources, and I have consulted
my informants, Olly Owen and Bronwen Manby from the
human-rights movement, and Professor Peter Lewis of
American University. I also attended the PRONACO meeting
on July 23rd, then spoke with Pa Enahoro on July 31st
–RS.•
Return to top
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| The Marina, Lagos as it was in 1968 |
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| Victoria Beach, Lagos in 1968. |
Keep
the Lorries Rolling – VSO Project Report
We
are pleased to report to FON members that our first
year of connection to the British VSO organization
with support for two volunteers in Nigeria not only
achieved the goal of $1200 per volunteer, but exceeded
it. This report was submitted to the FON board at
the Washington meeting in July, as well as our recommendation
of continued VSO affiliation and support for this
coming 2005-6 year.
“We want to thank the 64 members and friends of FON
who contributed a total of $3,836 during our first
fiscal year, ending August 1,” said FON President
Greg Zell (06) 62–64. “Each $1200 we contribute goes
towards the sponsorship of an individual VSO volunteer
in Nigeria—a terrific way to pass on our years of
service of many years ago to the next generation of
vounteers. Please be as generous, if not more so,
for the second year of this project and remember that
your donations are tax deductible.”
“The money collected contributes directly to the cost
of flights, accommodation, training and living expenses,”
says Emma Hayward, Corporate Partnership Director
from the London VSO office. Unlike Peace Corps, VSO
is a nongovernmental organization based in the U.K.,
The Netherlands and Canada. VSO fields some 2,000
volunteers in eastern Europe and the developing world.
Most of us have not been ‘in the field’ in Nigeria
for a long time, so that access to current impressions
is a satisfying return.
In our correspondance, Hayward provided a quick glimpse
of her just-completed trip to Sri Lanka.
“Thanks for asking about my trip to Sri Lanka. It
was a fantastic experience and a beautiful country—invaluable
for a clearer picture of how VSO works in the field
and the day to day issues faced by volunteers. Of
course the country has been horribly scarred by the
tsunami but I was struck more than anything by the
pre-existing problems resulting from decades of civil
war. Fortunately VSOs’ work in this area equipped
them well to adjust programmes quickly to help people
affected by the tsunami.”
“The success of our FON-sponsored VSOs is proof that
volunteerism is alive and well in Nigeria and may
indeed motivate Peace Corps Washington to resume service
in Nigeria,” said Zell. “The stories we hear from
our adopted volunteers are not only nostalgic but
are importantly a heartening sign of encouragement
that we can ‘keep the lorries rolling’ ”.
Finally, a FON member has found the VSO sponsorship
project interesting enough to donate enough to sponsor
an additional volunteer. Individual or business contributors
at this level will receive special recognition for
making it possible for FON to adopt further volunteers.•
Lucinda Boyd (05) 62-64
Mike Goodkind (16) 65–67
Return
to top
The
First Letter Home
Gayle
Lewis, Wife Of Peace Corps Staff Person, Del Lewis,
Writes Home From Benin City
June
28, 1966
Dear Family,
This is my first chance to write since we’ve been
here. I’ve had time but no paper. Paper products are
very scarce, and I didn’t bring a supply in our accompanied
baggage. We do have paper coming in the sea freight.
I wish I’d known how scarce it is, I could have packed
more. Already, we’ve become mindful of not wasting.
We had a wonderfully smooth flight over. It was a
long flight even with stops in Dakar, Senegal; Monrovia,
Liberia; and Accra, Ghana before landing at Ikeja
airport in Lagos. We arrived in Lagos at 2:30 P.M.
The Peace Corps Country Director for Nigeria and the
Deputy Director for the Midwest Region met us at Ikeja
airport in Lagos.
They put us up at the Lagos Airport Hotel. Our room,
a very spacious room with five single beds, was at
the back side of the hotel. In order to get to the
room we had to walk across a wooden foot bridge which
seemed to be over a small canal. Someone suggested
that this could be the remnant of an open sewer system
that was used before modern plumbing was installed.
Speaking of modern plumbing—we were just getting settled
into our room when we realized that the toilet didn’t
draw new water after a flush. We called the desk for
help. The solution was for us to move to another room.
It was equally spacious with working plumbing, and
we were able to settle ourselves, and have a nap before
joining the director and others on the staff and a
few volunteers for dinner at the director,s home in
Yaba. We were still so tired that we slept from 9:30
Saturday night after returning from dinner, until
11:45 Sunday morning.
We flew from Lagos on Sunday afternoon to Benin City.
The plane was a Fokker Friendship with high wings,
the windows being below the wings. This was a real
treat as we were able to look out and see the terrain
as we flew east over to Benin City.
The Peace Corps doctor and his family and several
volunteers met us in Benin with a very warm welcome.
They took us straight to our new home, literally a
new home as it had been recently completed and we
were the first occupants. The house is furnished with
all the necessities. When we arrived, everything was
in order, a lunch had been made, and dinner was cooking.
They had really gone to trouble for us and made such
an effort to make our transition easy.
We have a three-bedroom house with a large living/dining
combination, den, two full baths, kitchen and garage.
The kitchen is divided into two parts; one part is
called the pantry. We have a gas and electric stove.
The electricity goes off frequently so gas is necessary.
We will have air conditioning in the boys’ room and
our room when the units arrive from Lagos. I’ll send
pictures and more detail soon.
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Del, standing third and a bit from the right, and Gayle, standing fourth from the left, with volunteers in Benin in 1966. |
Leaving
NY/Kennedy airport required more time than we had
imagined. Since we have individual passports, we had
to fill out five of each form before boarding the
plane. Fortunately, we had a large baggage weight
allowance so we’ve been able to bring quite a few
things with us, such as books and toys for the boys.
We have a yard, about ¾ acre. We have a gardener
working now. The Peace Corps family here hired the
gardener and the cook thinking that we’d like to have
someone to get us going. We can make the decision
whether to keep them or not.
There is also a night guard called a “watch night”
who comes at dusk and stays until dawn. He is hired
by Peace Corps. So far we are pleased with the gardener.
He’s already planted grass in back and front and flowers
around the driveway circle.
We have a cook/steward meaning he does more than just
cook. He helps some with the wash and does the market
shopping. He prepared tuna fish sandwiches and soup
from a Maggi packet for our first lunch. He also made
peanut butter sandwiches for the boys. The peanut
butter was in our carry- on luggage thanks to a tip
from the Benin City, Nigeria Post report which I read
while in PC training in Washington. The cook has a
helper who is called the “small boy”.
We may move to a four-bedroom house with a den and
three baths. It may be vacant soon, and we’ll probably
need the room since there is no hotel here. PC visitors
from Lagos will have to stay in one of our homes so
it is a good idea for Peace Corps to hold onto the
larger houses. And—that house has a telephone, one
of the three phones for Peace Corps. There is a phone
in the Peace Corps office, and the doctor has one
in his home. This had been the house of the regional
director who is returning to the States so that is
the reason for the phone being there. We haven’t missed
having a phone, especially since almost everyone we
know is without a phone.
To
be Continued next issue.
Return
to top
Julian Martin Continues
His Story:
Trying To Save West Virginia’s Mountains
Part
2
By Julian Martin (03) 61–63
After Nigeria I was West Virginia University’s first full-time foreign student advisor. There was a large contingent of students from East Africa. Some pretty bad mistakes had been made, like housing all the Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika students in one section of a student apartment building. On top of that the Morgantown barbershops were segregated. With help from WVU students we integrated the housing and the barbershops.
![]() |
Martin(r)
and Gibson stop during their Walk for the Mountains
below a cautionary sign. |
As
the Vietnam war got worse, I was asked to sign on
as a charter member of Students for a Democratic Society(SDS).
The SDS emerged from the tutoring program we organized
for children in the economically devastated coal mining
region around WVU. My membership in SDS and participation
in the first picket at WVU against the war and a later
picket against Robert Byrd did not please the president
of the university. He closed International House and
put me in a windowless office in an old Navy surplus
building, and I did not get a salary increase. The
picket against Byrd occured when his claims to fame
were that he had been a KKK organizer, filibustered
the Civil Rights Act and brought a lot of pork to
WVU.
I fled to San Francisco and became active with other
Peace Corps volunteers in the Committee of Returned
Volunteers. Our purpose was to help end the Vietnam
War. Today I am part of West Virginia Patriots For
Peace. Each Friday at noon in downtown Charleston,
West Virginia, we have a one-hour vigil holding a
“Wall of Remembrance” with the names of all the soldiers
killed in Iraq. It now takes twenty people to hold
the banner.
![]() |
|
Kayford “Mountain” May 2005. Mining around Kayford alone had already destroyed over 15 square miles of forests—equal to a swath 1000 feet wide from Charleston to Princeton WV—untold miles of stream. The devastation surrounds Gibson’s homeplace and family cemetry. |
My
Peace Corps teaching experience entitled me to a teaching
license in California which was later transferred
to West Virginia. After hitch-hiking home via Canada,
I was director of the YMCA’s urban outreach program
(imagine kids from the projects growing an organic
garden). Then for twenty-two years (finally settled
down) I taught high school chemistry, physics and
physical science in a small rural school not far from
my birthplace.
While a teacher, I got active with environmental groups
that are trying to stop the coal industry’s destruction
of West Virginia mountains. Mountaintop removal coal
mining has destroyed 500,000 acres of West Virginia
mountains(equal to a one-quarter mile swath from New
York to San Francisco) and filled in over 1000 miles
of West Virginia streams(longer than the Ohio River).
After retiring from teaching, I walked across West
Virginia with Larry Gibson, whose home and family
cemetery were surrounded by denuded, decapitated mountains.
We carried anti-mountain top removal signs and spoke
to community groups and media reporters along the
way. Several people joined our walk at different points
including West Virginia Secretary of State Ken Hechler
who walked with us for two days. (Ken was the only
member of Congress to join Martin Luther King in the
march from Selma, Alabama. He also walked with Granny
D.) My life was changing when I joined the Peace Corps,
and the Peace Corps accelerated that change, and I
am very glad.
I am most active with the West Virginia Highlands
Conservancy. We have an excellent presentation on
mountaintop removal strip mining and would be happy
to show it most anywhere. Contact me at imaginemew@aol.com.
For more information on mountaintop removal visit
wvhighlands.org and ohvec.org. And contact me if you
would like a bumper sticker that reads ‘I Love Mountains’.
The ‘I Love Mountains’ stickers are a counter to the
‘I Love Coal’ stickers given out by the coal companies.
My dad’s eye was slit open in a coal mine; for that
reason and a zillion others I do not love coal. Join
my blog at: http://journals.aol.com/imaginemew/LoveMountains/•Return
to top
Warmongering,
Undermining or Networking?
A look at the arguments for the option of serving one’s Individual Ready Reserve in the Peace Corps
By
Mike Goodkind (16) 65–67
FON Vice President and Advocacy Director
A recent controversy which blazed across the NPCA’s
Group Leaders’ Listserv in August sadly recycles some
nineteen sixties biases.
The controversy was triggered after the Army in May
promoted an enlistment package encouraging veterans
to apply their skills and complete the once usually
dormant final years of their military obligation in
a service job such as the Peace Corps or Americorps.
Here’s the deal: sign up for only 15 months on active
duty, spend another two years in an active reserve
unit and then complete the remainder of a standard
eight-year obligation in one of many ways—including
the Peace Corps.
Most Peace Corps volunteers, and for that matter,
most enlistees in the Army, don’t know that technically
enlistees are obligated for eight years of service.
After discharge from active service and/or an active
reserve unit, the government assigns former military
to something called the Individual Ready Reserve (IRR).
Veterans on IRR status basically go about their lives
but are subject to call up if needed. This is not
new. IRRs have been around for decades, at least since
Vietnam, maybe always. In past years, most veterans
(including me) often weren’t even aware that they
were subject to call up after their active service
obligation. It just didn’t mean anything.
Well, since the 1992 Gulf War, IRR members, especially
those with critical skills such as the ability to
fly a helicopter, speak Arabic or, er, understand
public affairs, have in fact been needed and have
been called back to military service by the thousands.
IRRs are finally on the radar screen.
And since 2001, the government has offered a program
encouraging veterans to use their skills in civilian
national service during the final years of their IRR
obligation. In 2002, the Peace Corps was explicitly
added as a way to do this, but veterans will still
need to apply for the Peace Corps and be accepted
on their merits.
Veterans who serve in designated programs will USUALLY
be exempt from a military call-up AFTER they have
completed not only their active duty service but also
a typical two-year active reserve obligation and have
been independently accepted by a service program.
Some critics on the NPCA listserv have strenuously
opposed this effort to recruit highly qualified individuals
for reasons that at the end of the day simply sound
paranoid and even elitist. Listserv critics have said
giving veterans an incentive to engage in peaceful
national service would taint the Peace Corps and even
put other volunteers at physical risk from irate host
country nationals, who would somehow view this connection
as an effort to militarize the mission of the Peace
Corps.
Other reasonable voices on the listserv have seen
the effort to recruit veterans to the Peace Corps
as a positive use of highly skilled individuals. This
program can be seen as a fine way to create connections
among those who come to national service via the military
with those who have come from other paths.
There are some ambiguities in how veterans on IRR
status may be deployed, driven largely by the ever-changing
national situation. But several aspects of the program
appear clear: 1) IRR members who are not called up
are civilians subject to the rules of their civilian
employer, school, community, etc. 2) Statutory rules
separating the Peace Corps from military recruitment
remain in force.
A crucial point is that the firewall continues to
exist. Veterans who want to serve in the Peace Corps
must apply and they go through the same application
procedures as anyone else. If anyone has serious doubts
about the program, potential errors in personnel procedures
are the place to look for problems—not on the front
end where individual applicants are at risk of being
tainted because of their previous military service.
Will this linking of national service send some military
enlistees eventually into the Peace Corps? Is it so
wrong to tell your host country friends that you wanted
to serve in the military perhaps to learn some critical
skills—so you could serve in a more peaceful and possibly
more challenging Peace Corps role?
Would it be a tragedy if Nigerians questioned whether
a deferment from military obligations was a motivating
factor in joining the Peace Corps? This never seemed
to cause major problems in the nineteen sixties when
most male volunteers were clearly deferred while they
served in Nigeria.
And would such a program really place other volunteers
at increased risk? That shouldn’t happen if the volunteers
are mutually supportive and don’t feed the prejudices
of a minority of host country nationals who look for
every opportunity to engage in negative propaganda.
A mutually supportive, effective Peace Corps in-country
team can go a long way in dispelling suspicions about
themselves and the United States generally. This has
been a Peace Corps tradition for nearly a half-century.
PCVs shouldn’t taint motives of fellow volunteers
who preferred to finish an eight-year service contract
as Peace Corps volunteers instead of facing possible
additional military service. In the nineteen sixties,
when many of us served in Nigeria, we were all aware
that Peace Corps service deferred or cancelled the
possibility of being drafted into the Vietnam War.
Was this not on the agenda of many effective, successful
volunteers from that era? Were all of us in danger
because our hosts might have been aware that service
in Nigeria served as a possible draft loophole—intentional
or not?
Does there need to be a firewall between the military
and the Peace Corps? Absolutely. There already is,
and we need to be vigilant to ensure it is maintained.
But unless we renounce our American citizenships,
we will need to live with the fact that as volunteers
we came to our stations with a variety of philosophies,
skills and experiences—including military service.
It is divisive, elitist and counterproductive to single
out veterans who chose to help teach or serve in an
agricultural cooperative instead of patrolling in
a Humvee. That’s not the team-building, inclusive
and innovative Peace Corps I remember.•
Return to top
By Katy Rosentreter Lapp (08) 64–66
![]() |
| Goverment College Kaduna in 1964. |
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| Katy with some of her senior students at Government College Kaduna. |
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| Katy with the National Council for Social Studies Outstanding Service Award in 2004. |
Underlying
Causes Of The Polio Vaccine Rejection In Northern
Nigeria
By Kuburah Hameedu
Early
in 2004, the northern Nigerian states rejected the
polio vaccine based on suspicions of contamination
with infertility agent(s). Although the region is
predominantly Muslim, it is important to note that
religion has nothing to do with the vaccination resistance
as the media have tried to speculate. The people were
not against vaccination but rather against unsafe
vaccines. Clinical studies, however, do not greatly
influence a people’s perception of safety much as
scandals in public health initiatives do. Placed in
this context, the people’s polio vaccine rejection
was not a surprising development.
As a case in point, there was little or no rancor
from the same region during the Smallpox eradication
drive of the 70’s. The 80’s on the other hand, ushered
in public health issues that were met with mass skepticism.
The first National Population Policy, for example,
was adopted in 1988. The policy sought to reduce family
size from the then average of 6 kids/family to 4 kids/family.
It also suggested an optimum marriage age of 18 years
for women and 24 years for men, and advocated that
pregnancies be restricted to the 18-35-year range
with conception intervals of 2 years.
Such a scheme would have been considered a tussle
between entrenched African traditions and modernity
but for reports of a global population control effort
pioneered by the western world. Back in 1974, Nigeria
was among several African countries that had denounced
the proposed “World Population Plan of Action” tabled
at the Bucharest UN population conference. The public
however found a U.S. government document, popularly
known as NSSM 200 (published in 1974 and declassified
in 1989), quite disturbing. Subtitled “Implications
of worldwide population growth for U.S. security and
overseas interests”, NSSM 200 warned that “...world
population growth is widely recognized within the
(US) Government as a current danger of the highest
magnitude calling for urgent measures.” The study
identified 13 “key countries”, (among which was Nigeria)
in which “special U.S. political and strategic interests”
existed. It noted that Nigeria, “already the most
populous country on the continent, with an estimated
55 million people in 1970, Nigeria’s population by
the end of this century is projected to number 135
million. This suggests a growing political and strategic
role for Nigeria, at least in Africa.”
In addition, no Nigerian leader—traditional, religious,
political, or military prior to 1988 had ever challenged
the previlege of personal choice as regards family
size. In lieu of this and being that the 1988 Population
Policy in Nigeria was largely foreign funded, the
policy was met with widespread condemnation. Alhaji
Usman Faruk, one-time governor of the North Western
State (now Sokoto, Zamfara, Kebbi and Niger states),
in response to the policy, insisted that “the government
does not own the Nigerian people” and therefore “cannot
say they will reduce us or increase us like we are
houses.” He also accused the west for backing population
control, concluding that “one of the measures to halt
Nigeria’s rise to super power level is therefore through
orchestrated family planning and birth control. Every
known trick and deceit has been wrapped up in the
scheme”.
Even as Nigeria documented its first AIDS case in
1986, the flurry of theories regarding the origin
of HIV/AIDS only added salt to injury. The conspiracy
theories were quite damaging since they suggested
that HIV/AIDS is a man-made disease and an agent for
bio-warfare being used to curb a booming world population.
The vaccine theories were also quite unsettling. While
the African green monkey theory suggested that HIV
resulted from a viral jump from the African monkeys
to humans, the small pox vaccine theory speculated
that the small pox vaccine was responsible for unleashing
HIV/AIDS.
Likewise, the polio vaccine theory proposed that the
Polio vaccine was responsible for HIV/AIDS incidence.
More relevant is that the Polio vaccine had already
been engulfed in a controversy surrounding its contamination
with a carcinogenic monkey virus (SV40). Among other
things, the incident alerted people on the possibility
of vaccine contamination. Vaccines safety consequently
became enshrouded in uncertainty and vaccination exercises
were viewed with suspicion. As for population issues
in general, what people would have, at worst, perceived
as government intrusion into personal matters exploded
into a matter of pride and survival.
The last straw was drawn with the Pfizer drug (‘Trovan’)
trial in Kano state (Northern Nigeria). During a meningitis
epidemic in 1996, Pfizer treated 100 Nigerian children
with the antibiotic Trovan as part of its effort to
determine whether the drug, which had never been tested
in children, would be an effective treatment for the
disease. 100 other children were treated with Ceftriaxone
(an antibiotic) as a control. The trial proved deadly.
11 children treated in the trial died while several
suffered brain damage, partial paralysis or became
deaf. At the heart of the Trovan case were allegations
that Pfizer did not explain to the children’s parents
that the proposed treatment was experimental, that
they could refuse it, or that other treatments were
available. Thus, the trial was not only deadly but
also unethical. Hence forth, the people’s beliefs
in being covertly used as trial material coupled to
the long circulating reports of population control
were to them, all but confirmed. Not surprisingly,
this same Kano state provided the greatest resistance
to the polio vaccination program.
The endemic corruption in the country further worsened
matters. As distrust of officials deepened, religious
and traditional leaders, being the closest to and
most trusted (relatively speaking) by the masses,
emerged as the only viable powerbrokers for mass projects.
The Emir of Kazaure, Alhaji Najib A. Kazaure in a
2003 meeting with representatives of the WHO, NPI
(National Program on Immunization (Nigeria)) and UNICEF,
for instance, had this to say:
“I am sure the reason you are here today is because
you heard that I am in the fore front of those expressing
the fears and apprehension that people have about
the vaccine for eradication of Polio which you have
come to administer on our people. Yes, this is due
to the constant questions people are asking us regarding
the motive... I have not heard evidence or proof to
convince my conscience that what is given to that
child is truly poliomyelitis vaccine and nothing else.
We wanted to (have) hard evidence but what we are
given is only assurances.”
Later on in the discussion, the Emir said: “In all
your documents, there is nowhere you mention the side
effects of your vaccine, there is nowhere you mention
the connection between polio and HIV, there is nowhere
you mentioned the connection of polio with other simian
viruses... It is not that we are ignorantly against
polio immunization, no, but we are basing our apprehension
on the questions people are asking us, and they have
the right to ask questions... “And those of you saying
there is no connection between population control
and vaccination are wrong because there is clear evidence
that people interested in population control normally
incorporate it into their health services…” The Emir
denied the group support to continue with the vaccination
exercise in the emirate at the end of the meeting.
The polio eradication drive in Northern Nigeria therefore
came at an unfortunate time when mass apprehension
had escalated into unyielding resistance against health
initiatives. In the foreseeable future, trust and
credibility have to be somehow fostered to ensure
successful vaccination/immunization projects in the
region and in Nigeria as a whole. There is nothing
wrong in tailoring life-saving vaccination /immunization
programs to fit the socio-historical or socio-cultural
garb of the target society. The bottom line is that
Polio (or whatever disease we tackle next) is real.
It has no respect for borders and it can cripple or
kill.•
Kuburah Hameedu is an undergraduate majoring in biology at Temple University. She is from Kaduna. Hameedu is a student of Ed Gruberg (05) 62–64 who is on the biology faculty.
Gruberg teaches physiology and neurobiology, and does research on visual information processing using frogs as a model system.
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By Silvia Lovato and Tracy Jaffe
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| Some of the members of the graduating class of the YTF, Owerri in 2004. |
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| One of the younger members of the YTF concentrates at the task in hand. |